The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was regarded as among the most influential holders of that office in US history. Although numerous second-in-commands had to settle for peripheral or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded huge power during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly referred to as the "actual president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and stated the dynamic was more complicated. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, consistently addressing him in official appearances as Mr President, while he called him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their association as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. Regardless of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president pliable on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a faction of conservative hawks that included defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a gathering at a school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any unidentified planes approaching the government building.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, making him become intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the invasion of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Debated Actions
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the enhanced interrogation of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was based on misleading information repeated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do back then. I had faith back then and I believe it now."
Yet during that period, there were dissenting voices at a senior level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the area, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the post. "I observed, at the very least," he wrote later "clear negligence, inaction, and irresponsibility: potentially, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq campaign. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had written a memorandum detailing circumstances in which national priorities might be compromised (encompassing "access to vital raw materials, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be prepared to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the White House somewhat determined on carrying out what his parent had notably declined to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of reducing America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He also objected to that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's visage that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vehement supporting striking Iraq, frequently referencing agency briefings that were either thin or entirely deceptive. He endorsed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the application of simulated drowning and torture.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had come from the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the conclusions as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and put in place initiatives to apprehend the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by opponents such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the background that remains unseen emerge from his domain? That is a effective way to work, truthfully."
Business Interests
Debate over his commercial relationships pursued him during his tenure as vice-president. While he had limited background in commerce but strong connections in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Contentiously, during the military campaign, Halliburton was given US contracts totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly earnings during his tenure at the firm grew from his $258,394 when he was Pentagon chief to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
